Articles in peer-reviewed journals
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(To see the publications click on the logo OR go to https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Juan_Trivino_Salazar)
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2023. Desille, A. , van Breugel, I., Rauschle, C., Triviño-Salazar, J.C., Schmidt, A. “Negotiating migration in cities: a relational comparative perspective” Journal of Migration Studies
This discussion paper calls for broadening the scope of research on cities and migration, both empirically and theoretically, by applying a relational comparative perspective. It pleas to rethink how cities are studied and compared in migration studies. Although cities have become central reference points in migration research since the ›local turn‹, most studies still focus primarily on capital cities and gateway cities as self-contained spaces in the Global North. These biases lead to blind spots in the production of knowledge regarding the migration–city nexus. Newer theoretical, empirical, and methodological perspectives offer possible ways out by decentering migration and focusing on the multiple relations sustained in and across cities in the Global South and North.
2023. Triviño-Salazar, J.C. “Transnational City Networks on Migration and Integration and Local Collaborative Governance: Establishing the Nexus?” International Migration Review.
Transnational city networks (TCNs) focused on international migration and migrant integration are an outcome of cities’ ever-larger role in migration governance beyond city boundaries. Although the nascent TCN literature has focused on networks’ emergence and expansion, TCNs’ effects on local actors within member cities remain underexplored. The article seeks to understand and explain the extent to which migration and integration TCNs contribute to collaboration between local governments and nonstate actors in member cities. To do so, I use collaborative governance to examine collaborative activities between local governments and nonstate actors in the context of two cities’ membership in TCNs: Barcelona and Rotterdam. My findings show that full collaboration, as the goal of collaborative governance, between local governments and nonstate actors within the framework of TCNs’ membership has not been achieved in the cities studied. Instead, I argue that collaboration with nonstate actors is selectively used by local governments to legitimize their position on TCNs and in the overall response to migration and integration. By establishing a nexus between TCNs and collaborative governance, the article offers a nuanced understanding of what collaboration between local governments and nonstate actors implies for (local) migration governance to migration scholarship. When collaboration does not reach its full potential, as findings show, then transnational debates on governing migration and integration from the city level become a distant reality for local nonstate actors, and by extension, local residents including migrants.
2022. Jordana, J., Holesch, A. and Triviño-Salazar, J.C. “Sponsoring trans-governmental regulatory networks: an EU global governance instrument?” Journal of European Integration.
The European Union (EU) has actively promoted the establishment of national regulatory agencies (NRAs) in its member states since the 1990s. In parallel, the EU has supported the establishment of trans-governmental regulatory networks (TRNs) to facilitate the harmonization of regulatory frameworks within the EU. In most cases, these TRNs had a very light organization but allowed an intense interaction and collaboration among officials from the different national regulatory agencies. In this paper, we examine the involvement of EU institutions and NRAs in trans-governmental regulatory networks in Europe and beyond. Based on a mix of quantitative and qualitative approaches, we corroborate the extensive use of TRNs on the European continent beyond the EU in many fields, often supported by EU institutions or emerging as bottom-up initiatives of NRAs. We can only document some occasional attempts beyond the European neighborhood. Among possible reasons, we examine the institutionalization of global governance in many sectors, geographical considerations, and EU strategies to support TRNs development.
2021. (with Guillermo Cordero, Soledad Escobar, and Santiago Pérez-Nievas). Representing the People: Latin American Councilors and Their Pathway to Power and Political Representation in Spain. American Behavioral Scientist
Latin Americans are one of the most relevant migrant minorities in Spain. In this article, we analyze their political representation at the local level by describing how councilors of Latin American councilors perceive three stages on their “pathway to power”: the selection method most frequently used by them to become electoral candidates, their ranking as candidates in the Spanish closed and blocked lists system, and their view of political representation once in office. The article contributes to a better understanding of the political incorporation of sizable minority groups in politics in recent immigration countries by implementing a mixed method strategy with survey data and in-depth interviews. The results show how candidates of Latin American origin are included in electoral lists following more participative ways of internal selection than their native-born counterparts, who are more frequently appointed by a party leader. Despite this, those who eventually get elected perceive that they have been ranked in “unsafe positions” of the electoral lists, and therefore with no guarantee of being appointed. Interestingly, once in office, councilors of Latin Americans perceive that they represent immigrants to a lesser degree, compared with their native-born counterparts.
This discussion paper calls for broadening the scope of research on cities and migration, both empirically and theoretically, by applying a relational comparative perspective. It pleas to rethink how cities are studied and compared in migration studies. Although cities have become central reference points in migration research since the ›local turn‹, most studies still focus primarily on capital cities and gateway cities as self-contained spaces in the Global North. These biases lead to blind spots in the production of knowledge regarding the migration–city nexus. Newer theoretical, empirical, and methodological perspectives offer possible ways out by decentering migration and focusing on the multiple relations sustained in and across cities in the Global South and North.
2023. Triviño-Salazar, J.C. “Transnational City Networks on Migration and Integration and Local Collaborative Governance: Establishing the Nexus?” International Migration Review.
Transnational city networks (TCNs) focused on international migration and migrant integration are an outcome of cities’ ever-larger role in migration governance beyond city boundaries. Although the nascent TCN literature has focused on networks’ emergence and expansion, TCNs’ effects on local actors within member cities remain underexplored. The article seeks to understand and explain the extent to which migration and integration TCNs contribute to collaboration between local governments and nonstate actors in member cities. To do so, I use collaborative governance to examine collaborative activities between local governments and nonstate actors in the context of two cities’ membership in TCNs: Barcelona and Rotterdam. My findings show that full collaboration, as the goal of collaborative governance, between local governments and nonstate actors within the framework of TCNs’ membership has not been achieved in the cities studied. Instead, I argue that collaboration with nonstate actors is selectively used by local governments to legitimize their position on TCNs and in the overall response to migration and integration. By establishing a nexus between TCNs and collaborative governance, the article offers a nuanced understanding of what collaboration between local governments and nonstate actors implies for (local) migration governance to migration scholarship. When collaboration does not reach its full potential, as findings show, then transnational debates on governing migration and integration from the city level become a distant reality for local nonstate actors, and by extension, local residents including migrants.
2022. Jordana, J., Holesch, A. and Triviño-Salazar, J.C. “Sponsoring trans-governmental regulatory networks: an EU global governance instrument?” Journal of European Integration.
The European Union (EU) has actively promoted the establishment of national regulatory agencies (NRAs) in its member states since the 1990s. In parallel, the EU has supported the establishment of trans-governmental regulatory networks (TRNs) to facilitate the harmonization of regulatory frameworks within the EU. In most cases, these TRNs had a very light organization but allowed an intense interaction and collaboration among officials from the different national regulatory agencies. In this paper, we examine the involvement of EU institutions and NRAs in trans-governmental regulatory networks in Europe and beyond. Based on a mix of quantitative and qualitative approaches, we corroborate the extensive use of TRNs on the European continent beyond the EU in many fields, often supported by EU institutions or emerging as bottom-up initiatives of NRAs. We can only document some occasional attempts beyond the European neighborhood. Among possible reasons, we examine the institutionalization of global governance in many sectors, geographical considerations, and EU strategies to support TRNs development.
2021. (with Guillermo Cordero, Soledad Escobar, and Santiago Pérez-Nievas). Representing the People: Latin American Councilors and Their Pathway to Power and Political Representation in Spain. American Behavioral Scientist
Latin Americans are one of the most relevant migrant minorities in Spain. In this article, we analyze their political representation at the local level by describing how councilors of Latin American councilors perceive three stages on their “pathway to power”: the selection method most frequently used by them to become electoral candidates, their ranking as candidates in the Spanish closed and blocked lists system, and their view of political representation once in office. The article contributes to a better understanding of the political incorporation of sizable minority groups in politics in recent immigration countries by implementing a mixed method strategy with survey data and in-depth interviews. The results show how candidates of Latin American origin are included in electoral lists following more participative ways of internal selection than their native-born counterparts, who are more frequently appointed by a party leader. Despite this, those who eventually get elected perceive that they have been ranked in “unsafe positions” of the electoral lists, and therefore with no guarantee of being appointed. Interestingly, once in office, councilors of Latin Americans perceive that they represent immigrants to a lesser degree, compared with their native-born counterparts.
2021. (with Jacint Jordana and Ixchel Pérez-Durán). “Drivers of integration? EU agency board members on transboundary crises” Comparative European Politics.
The European Union continuously faces transboundary crises (TBCs), such as the 1996 and 2000 outbreaks of ‘mad cow disease’, or the 2015 refugee crisis. Within this context, European Union agencies (EAs) have emerged as technical repositories that are capable of addressing such crises more efficiently than intergovernmental cooperation. However, their effective implication in transboundary crisis management largely varies, as different degrees of involvement can be observed. Different angles can be adopted to make sense of variation in the response of agencies to TBCs; hence, this study focuses on the role of EA management boards. These boards epitomize the unique nature of EU institutions, in that they represent the Member States and integrate their network capabilities into a single entity. Our study assesses perceptions of board members concerning three aspects related to the capacity of agencies to respond to TBCs: decision-making, coordination, and resources, based on a survey distributed among board members and a biographical database.
2020. (with Jacint Jordana).“Where are the ECDC and the EU-wide responses in the COVID-19 pandemic?” The Lancet, 395 (10237).
As the EU continues to face the COVID-19 pandemic, an unprecedented transboundary crisis, its member states resort to measures within the boundaries of the nation state. This situation questions the capacity of the EU to deploy public health instruments to cope with pandemics. One such instrument, the European Centre for Disease Control (ECDC), seems to show a discreet involvement in this crisis, suggesting emerging isolationist behaviours of the member states.
2020. (with Jacint Jordana). "EU Agencies' Involvement in Transboundary Crisis Response: Supporting Efforts or Leading Coordination?." Public Administration
In this article, we examine under which circumstances EU agencies, through their specialised expertise, are involved in transboundary crisis responses, and when they acquire a leading position in coordinating those responses. To do so, we study four agencies which faced crises: the EBA and the 2012 banking crisis; the ECDC and the 2014 Ebola outbreak; EFSA and the 2011 E. coli outbreak; and Frontex and the 2015 refugee crisis.
The European Union continuously faces transboundary crises (TBCs), such as the 1996 and 2000 outbreaks of ‘mad cow disease’, or the 2015 refugee crisis. Within this context, European Union agencies (EAs) have emerged as technical repositories that are capable of addressing such crises more efficiently than intergovernmental cooperation. However, their effective implication in transboundary crisis management largely varies, as different degrees of involvement can be observed. Different angles can be adopted to make sense of variation in the response of agencies to TBCs; hence, this study focuses on the role of EA management boards. These boards epitomize the unique nature of EU institutions, in that they represent the Member States and integrate their network capabilities into a single entity. Our study assesses perceptions of board members concerning three aspects related to the capacity of agencies to respond to TBCs: decision-making, coordination, and resources, based on a survey distributed among board members and a biographical database.
2020. (with Jacint Jordana).“Where are the ECDC and the EU-wide responses in the COVID-19 pandemic?” The Lancet, 395 (10237).
As the EU continues to face the COVID-19 pandemic, an unprecedented transboundary crisis, its member states resort to measures within the boundaries of the nation state. This situation questions the capacity of the EU to deploy public health instruments to cope with pandemics. One such instrument, the European Centre for Disease Control (ECDC), seems to show a discreet involvement in this crisis, suggesting emerging isolationist behaviours of the member states.
2020. (with Jacint Jordana). "EU Agencies' Involvement in Transboundary Crisis Response: Supporting Efforts or Leading Coordination?." Public Administration
In this article, we examine under which circumstances EU agencies, through their specialised expertise, are involved in transboundary crisis responses, and when they acquire a leading position in coordinating those responses. To do so, we study four agencies which faced crises: the EBA and the 2012 banking crisis; the ECDC and the 2014 Ebola outbreak; EFSA and the 2011 E. coli outbreak; and Frontex and the 2015 refugee crisis.
2020. "Who is your ally? Political parties as elite allies of immigrant associations locally. " Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.
Cities and towns are the proximity context where immigrants interact with political actors who can channel their demands. Treating immigration as a salient policy field in this setting reveals how political parties and immigrant associations relate to each other. In this paper, I study when political parties become (or do not become) elite allies of immigrant associations following the approval of policies of exclusion at the local level. To answer my question, I qualitatively study the interaction between these actors with regards to the approval of two policies in two cities in Catalonia, Spain: the burka regulation in Lleida and the exclusion of undocumented immigrants from the local census in Vic. The findings make evident that local factors related to the political conflict over immigration and the associational web provide immigrant associations with varying degrees of agency that condition their relationships with political parties as elite allies.
2019. (with Jacint Jordana). "European Union Agencies: A Global Governance Perspective." Revista de Estudios Políticos
European Union agencies have been studied explicitly or implicitly from two distinct perspectives: an intergovernmental and a supranational point of view. Both relate to broader dynamics that aim to understand the forces that EU agencies respond to. However, different authors have pointed out that both perspectives can be observed simultaneously in EU agencies. This is because they combine intergovernmental coordination and access to supranational power with different intensities under conditions of institutional isolation and a strong professional identity. This article takes as its starting point this integrating vision and argues that EU agencies function as a new type of regional trans-governmental body that is flexible, adapts to the new age of global governance and actively participates in it. The paper discusses the literature on EU agencies along these lines and concludes with a plea to favour an analysis that includes global governance to understand how these bodies operate in transnational spaces. The fragmentation of sovereignty into multiple levels and regulatory spaces, where complex sectorial systems take on a global dimension to produce public goods, requires articulating hybrid institutional structures. EU agencies respond perfectly to this need as their institutional design endows them with a strong capacity for multilevel interaction.
Cities and towns are the proximity context where immigrants interact with political actors who can channel their demands. Treating immigration as a salient policy field in this setting reveals how political parties and immigrant associations relate to each other. In this paper, I study when political parties become (or do not become) elite allies of immigrant associations following the approval of policies of exclusion at the local level. To answer my question, I qualitatively study the interaction between these actors with regards to the approval of two policies in two cities in Catalonia, Spain: the burka regulation in Lleida and the exclusion of undocumented immigrants from the local census in Vic. The findings make evident that local factors related to the political conflict over immigration and the associational web provide immigrant associations with varying degrees of agency that condition their relationships with political parties as elite allies.
2019. (with Jacint Jordana). "European Union Agencies: A Global Governance Perspective." Revista de Estudios Políticos
European Union agencies have been studied explicitly or implicitly from two distinct perspectives: an intergovernmental and a supranational point of view. Both relate to broader dynamics that aim to understand the forces that EU agencies respond to. However, different authors have pointed out that both perspectives can be observed simultaneously in EU agencies. This is because they combine intergovernmental coordination and access to supranational power with different intensities under conditions of institutional isolation and a strong professional identity. This article takes as its starting point this integrating vision and argues that EU agencies function as a new type of regional trans-governmental body that is flexible, adapts to the new age of global governance and actively participates in it. The paper discusses the literature on EU agencies along these lines and concludes with a plea to favour an analysis that includes global governance to understand how these bodies operate in transnational spaces. The fragmentation of sovereignty into multiple levels and regulatory spaces, where complex sectorial systems take on a global dimension to produce public goods, requires articulating hybrid institutional structures. EU agencies respond perfectly to this need as their institutional design endows them with a strong capacity for multilevel interaction.
2018. "The Politics of Immigration Locally: Alliances between Political Parties and Immigrant organizations." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies.
Alliances are a political opportunity that reinforce the claims made by different players in the political sphere. However, the literature on the political participation of immigrants pays little attention to the formation of alliances and their effects on the interaction between immigrants and institutional actors, especially under circumstances of politicization. This article aims to explain the emergence of alliances between political parties and immigrant organizations when immigration is politicized locally. I argue that the need to legitimize the political parties’ position on the politicization guide their alliances with immigrants. Using qualitative methods, I analyze the emergence of alliances in the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in Badalona and the burka ban in Lleida, both in Catalonia, Spain. The findings portray these relationships as the outcome of strategic interactions that respond to the balance of power between institutional and non-institutional actors.
Book chapters
2015. (with Vicent Climent-Ferrando). “Chapter 9. Immigrant associations and political participation: when language matters. The case of Catalonia.” In: R. Medda and A. Carla (eds.). Migration in Autonomous Territories. The Case of South Tyrol and Catalonia. Leiden: Brill Publishers
In this chapter, the authors explore how the Catalan language has been connected to the collective participation of immigrants in the Catalan political structures and to analyze the existing channels of political participation for immigrant associations contained in all Catalan Immigration Plans, that is, the main pieces of legislation approved by the Catalan government aimed at regulating immigration issues. The results of their study contribute, from a public policy perspective, to the debate on the use of language, and most importantly which language, in officially bilingual contexts as a tool for immigrants’ claims in receiving societies.
In this chapter, the authors explore how the Catalan language has been connected to the collective participation of immigrants in the Catalan political structures and to analyze the existing channels of political participation for immigrant associations contained in all Catalan Immigration Plans, that is, the main pieces of legislation approved by the Catalan government aimed at regulating immigration issues. The results of their study contribute, from a public policy perspective, to the debate on the use of language, and most importantly which language, in officially bilingual contexts as a tool for immigrants’ claims in receiving societies.
2018. "Local politics and immigration: mobilizing immigrant associations beyond small-scale cities." In: T. Caponio; P. Scholten and R. Zapata-Barrero. The Routledge Handbook of the Governance of Migration and Diversity in Cities. Routledge
Cities, towns and rural areas may respond differently to similar challenges posed by the arrival of immigrants. While New York or London are large-scale, global cities; residential cities outside of Madrid or Lisbon may be considered small-scale ones. I propose an analytical framework that problematizes the political mobilization of immigrant associations in small-scale cities through a multi-scalar lens. I illustrate the utility of this framework by studying the mobilization of immigrant associations in the 2010 local census controversy in the Catalan city of Vic, Spain. I highlight the potential that
small-scale settings have for the multi-scalar mobilization of immigrant associations.
Cities, towns and rural areas may respond differently to similar challenges posed by the arrival of immigrants. While New York or London are large-scale, global cities; residential cities outside of Madrid or Lisbon may be considered small-scale ones. I propose an analytical framework that problematizes the political mobilization of immigrant associations in small-scale cities through a multi-scalar lens. I illustrate the utility of this framework by studying the mobilization of immigrant associations in the 2010 local census controversy in the Catalan city of Vic, Spain. I highlight the potential that
small-scale settings have for the multi-scalar mobilization of immigrant associations.
2015. (with Flora Burchianti). “La regulación política de los conflictos relacionados a la diversidad en el espacio público.” In: R. Zapata-Barrero. Las condiciones de la interculturalidad: gestión local de la diversidad. Valencia: Tirant lo blanc.
Los autores se proponen entender las modalidades de la regulación política de los conflictos en el espacio público, situándose en el ámbito de la mediación y resolución de confl ictos. Los autores argumentan que la diversificación cultural y social derivada en gran parte de los flujos migratorios hacia España desde los años 1990, han influenciado a muchos gobiernos municipales a interpretarlos como la consecuencia de la coexistencia de personas de culturas, estilos de vida o religiones diversos. Estos conflictos han sido construidos como un problema público donde la definición de la cuestión a regular no ha sido igual ni linear en todos los municipios. En esta situación, la búsqueda de mecanismos que resuelvan el conflicto implica la movilización de actores colectivos o individuales que buscan influir en la agenda pública. Los autores toman como estudio los casos de Badalona y de l’Hospitalet de Llobregat, las dos ciudades periféricas más pobladas del área metropolitana de Barcelona, y se centran en particular en tres componentes de la regulación política: i) la problematización discursiva, ii) los instrumentos desarrollados, y iii) las interacciones entre gobiernos locales, actores políticos y de la sociedad civil. Los autores muestran que varios enfoques orientan la regulación política de los conflictos, entre los cuales la regulación intercultural coexiste con políticas de securización, culturalista o socio-económica.
Los autores se proponen entender las modalidades de la regulación política de los conflictos en el espacio público, situándose en el ámbito de la mediación y resolución de confl ictos. Los autores argumentan que la diversificación cultural y social derivada en gran parte de los flujos migratorios hacia España desde los años 1990, han influenciado a muchos gobiernos municipales a interpretarlos como la consecuencia de la coexistencia de personas de culturas, estilos de vida o religiones diversos. Estos conflictos han sido construidos como un problema público donde la definición de la cuestión a regular no ha sido igual ni linear en todos los municipios. En esta situación, la búsqueda de mecanismos que resuelvan el conflicto implica la movilización de actores colectivos o individuales que buscan influir en la agenda pública. Los autores toman como estudio los casos de Badalona y de l’Hospitalet de Llobregat, las dos ciudades periféricas más pobladas del área metropolitana de Barcelona, y se centran en particular en tres componentes de la regulación política: i) la problematización discursiva, ii) los instrumentos desarrollados, y iii) las interacciones entre gobiernos locales, actores políticos y de la sociedad civil. Los autores muestran que varios enfoques orientan la regulación política de los conflictos, entre los cuales la regulación intercultural coexiste con políticas de securización, culturalista o socio-económica.
Research documents
2014. “Immigrant organizations and the politicization of cultural diversity in the city." Analytical and Synthetic Note 2014/03. Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. European University Institute.
The literature on the local political participation of immigrants has focused on how institutional actors shape their organization and mobilization; however, these studies have not sufficiently explored the role of specific institutional actors in opening or closing access to the political process. This is more evident when certain aspects of immigrant cultural diversity are politicized through restrictive discourses and policy actions. Based on this, I ask in the present paper: How do immigrant organizations relate to political parties during specific moments of the politicization of cultural diversity at the local level? I argue that the way both actors relate to each other under these circumstances is strongly influenced by the ‘engagement strategies’ used by political parties to seek support for their positions. Based on the literature related to the political participation of immigrants from a political opportunity approach, I analyze the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in the city of Badalona and the burka ban in public buildings in the city of Lleida, both in Catalonia, Spain. Initial findings show how political parties instrumentalize immigrant organizations to either legitimize their position or to mobilize them against other political parties. They also show how local dynamics define the interaction between these actors during politicization.
The literature on the local political participation of immigrants has focused on how institutional actors shape their organization and mobilization; however, these studies have not sufficiently explored the role of specific institutional actors in opening or closing access to the political process. This is more evident when certain aspects of immigrant cultural diversity are politicized through restrictive discourses and policy actions. Based on this, I ask in the present paper: How do immigrant organizations relate to political parties during specific moments of the politicization of cultural diversity at the local level? I argue that the way both actors relate to each other under these circumstances is strongly influenced by the ‘engagement strategies’ used by political parties to seek support for their positions. Based on the literature related to the political participation of immigrants from a political opportunity approach, I analyze the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in the city of Badalona and the burka ban in public buildings in the city of Lleida, both in Catalonia, Spain. Initial findings show how political parties instrumentalize immigrant organizations to either legitimize their position or to mobilize them against other political parties. They also show how local dynamics define the interaction between these actors during politicization.